The practive of female genital mutilation
Edvige Bilotti
Following Chandra Mohanty, this essay tries to avoid the analytical trap of some western ethnocentric assumptions in the representation of third world women as a homogeneous, coherent group, unfied by the condition of being oppressed by their patriarchal societies and `traditional' sexist cultures. In some work by western feminists, third world women have been constructed as a universal and ahistorical category. They apply the asssumed validity of this categorization cross-culturally and universally. Third world women are bound together in a notion of the sameness of their oppression and exploitation. They are represented as powerless victims of a male dominated socio-economic system.
The other problematic presupposition of some western feminists is the use of the monolithic, singular category of patriarchy that does not address specific historical processes and the dynamics involved in the formation of networks of power within local societies.
Thus, in the majority of western feminist discourse the complexities of third world womens lives are homogenized and reductively situated in an historical structure. The presupposition is that they are constituted as a separate entity prior to entering into the complex system of social relations, meanings, and beliefs. Any interaction between these women and the context of reference is denied as well as their contribution to the formation of systems of values within it.
Even when writing with varying degrees of accuracy, many feminist texts carry a similar assumption that victimizes third world women. Women are defined as victims of Islamic society, victims of colonialism, victims of the developmental process, or victims of male violence.
In discussing the practice of FGM western feminists such as Fran Hosken and Mary Daly for example refer to practicing women as both sexually oppressed and victims of male violence.
Hosken looks at FGM as a form of violence by men against women. She compares it to rape, battery, forced prostitution, and purdah (segregation of women). All are seen as "violations of basic human rights" carried out with "an astonishing consensus among men". In her text women worldwide become a homogeneous group in a "totalizing rhetoric that confidentially speaks of the female gender as a universal category". Women are represented as the victims of male violence and are reduced to a universal unity based on the reductive notion of their oppression. Even institutions like purdah or veiling are associated with male violence and explained in terms of sexual oppression and subjugation. The cultural specificity and the historical process of the custom is ignored. For example, the difference between the use of veil in Iran as imposed by Islamic law versus the choice of veil as a cultural identity element used to oppose western cultural imperialism. As a symbol of Islamic tradition, the diffusion of veil greatly increased as a reaction to the intrusive western presence.
Daly has a similar approach to Hosken. She makes a problematic comparison of customs from different historical periods comparing Africa today with Europe in the Middle Ages. In particular she parallels FGM to the iron chastity belts used in medeival Europe, footbinding as practiced in China until the beginning of this century, and the burial of infant girls alive in pre-Islamic Arabia. She represents these practices as symptomatic of a universal misogynist conspiracy. Dalyfalls into the analytical trap of presuming that a singular, ahistorical patriarchal system characterizes most societies and structures women as an oppressed group. The structure of the world is interpreted and defined on dichotomous terms that oppose women to men.
In analyzing the practice of FGM I describe its various forms, their historical origins and geographical distribution. The inquiry into the socio-cultural context involves the examination of religion and moral values as well as cultural beliefs and traditions within the social and familial structure. The theoretical assumption is that women are constituted as women through their complex interaction with culture, religion, systems of meaning and belief, local networks of power, hierarchies of institutions, and other ideological frameworks. Women are defined within and by this context under specific conditions. They themselves contribute to the forming and determining of these relations in various ways through specific social dimensions. Even if different and contradictory the social levels are overlapping and intrinsically interrelated and are separated here only for the purposes of analytic abstraction.
This paper attempts to respond to the need for a contextualized approach that avoids judgement by western standards. Westerners tend to view the custom as a mere act of violence against women that must be abolished. Moreover, simplistic and reductive formulations that limit the definition of women to gender identity create "a false sense of commonality of oppression, intents, and struggles between and among women globally". Even within a context of commitment to abolish FGM this is not only ineffectual but counterproductive in organizing efficacious strategies of political resistence to fight forms of oppression. Beyond `sisterhood' there are complex cultural conditions and historical specificities to be understood and respected.
Most authors agree on the classification of FGM, popularly called female circumcision, into three basic types, a typology which reflects varying degrees of severity.
Circumcision, which consists of the excision of the prepuce of the clitoris is the mildest form because it preserves the clitoris and the posterior larger parts of the labia minora. In Islamic culture, circimcision is known as sunna which in Arabic means `tradition', because it is recommended by some Ahadith (sayings of the prophet Muhammad). This is the only form that can be equated to male circumcision in which the foreskin of the penis is removed.
Clitoridectomy or excision is the most common form and involves the removal of the entire clitoris together with all or part of the labia minora. In classical Arabic this is called khafd which means reduction, and it is more popularly known by the term tahara which means purification.
Infibulation is the most severe form of the practice. The term derives from the latin fibula, the pin used to clasp the Romantoga. The fibula was also used to prevent sexual intercourse among slaves. It was fastened through the labia majora of the women, and through the prepuce of men. This was to ensure female slaves' faithfulness, to avoid childbearing which would have hindered their work, and to prevent male slaves or gladiators from tiring themselves with women. Infibulation is also known as `pharaonic circumcision', because it is believed that it was practiced in Egypt during the Pharaohs dynasties (2850-525 B.C.).
Infibulation involves the excision of the clitoris, the labia minora, and the labia majora. The remaining edges of the labia majora are then sewn together in such a way that the vaginal orifice is closed. A small sliver of wood is inserted into the vagina during the healing process to allow for the passage of urine and menstrual blood. According to different customs, the wound is sewn with silk, catgut sutures (in the Sudan) or acacia thorns (in Somalia). To facilitate healing, adhesive substances are used such as mal-mal (a paste mixture made from sugar and gum), egg-yolk and sugar, lemon juice or herbal mixtures. To help the healing process and dissipate the bad odors resulting from urine and the coagulation of blood, traditional aromatic herbs (e.g. asal) and dried sap are burned below the child. Ashes used to control bleeding, especially in the rural areas of West Africa are often the cause of acute infections. After the operation the girls' legs are tied together and she is immobilized for several weeks until the wound of the vulva heals. On the nuptial night, the scarred genitals have to be defibulated to allow for penetration. After each birth reinfibulation is generally performed to restore the woman's body to its `premarital condition'.
The instruments used to perform FGM include knives, razor blades, scissors, and broken glass. These instruments are rarely sterilized before the operation and, except in hospitals, anesthesia is almost never used. Traditionally the operation is performed by elder women, usually local midwives known as Gedda in Somalia or Daya in Egypt and the Sudan. These operations constitute a lucrative source of income for the midwives. In Mali and Senegal it is carried out by women of the blacksmith caste gifted with knowledge of the occult. In urban areas of these countries, the operations are often performed in hospitals by medical professionals.
The age for circumcision varies both geographically and ethnically. Even if the age for the practice ranges from one week old to approximately twenty years, it occurs most often on young girls between the ages of three and eight. Recently there has been a tendency towards an even earlier age in order to minimize the resistance to the extreme pain. Verzin (1975) has summarized the ages at which female circumcision is performed as follows: eight days after birth - Ethiopia; ten weeks after birth - Arabia; three to four years (circumcision and excision) - Somalia; three to eight years - Egypt; five to eight years - The Sudan; eight to ten years (infibulation) - Somalia; shortly after marriage - Masai tribes.
The origin of FGM is unknown. There is no conclusive evidence to indicate when and where the custom started and how it spread. There is no consensus if the operations originated in one locality and then spread, or if they were practised by different ethnic groups in different areas at different times. However there are two main theories regarding the origins of the practice. One is that it began in one place (the Arabian peninsula or Egypt) and spread. The other argues that this is quite unlikely because the operations are so widespread that they could not have had a common origin. For the authors supporting the latter theory, the practice developed independently in different places at different periods in history.
It seems that in all societies where female excision is practiced, male circumcision is also performed. Male circumcision is represented in reliefs of the Egyptian tomb of Ankh-Ma Hor of the sixth Dynasty (2340-2180 B.C.) and in other Egyptian representations of pharaonic times. But whether excision and infibulation had a parallel development is unclear. By the time of the first millennium B.C., however, there is evidence that the custom was certainly practiced in Egypt. The oldest known source that records the custom is the work of Herodotus (484-424 B.C.). He states that excision was practised by the Phoenicians, Hittites, and Ethiopians as well as the Egyptians. Circa 25 B.C., Strabo, the Greek geographer and historian, reports that the Egyptians circumcised their boys and excised their girls. Evidence is also found in the medical literature. Soramus, a Greek physician who practiced about 138 A.D. in Alexandria and Rome, supplies a detailed description of the operation of excision in Egypt and of the instruments used. Another physician, Aetius (502-575 A.D.), describes the operation in a similar fashion. Both state that the purpose was the reduction of female sexual desire.
Moreover some archaeologists claim that the well preserved Egyptian mummies attest to the presence of clitoridectomy. It is also generally agreed rîat excision was practiced mostly by the ruling class. It was a sign of distinction for the females of royal families and the priestly cast of Egypt. Women were thought to be the only possessors of magic, and FGM was an attempt to obtain control over this magic power.
According to some sources, Jews and Arabs aquired the practices of clitoridectomy and infibulation in Egypt. During the Arab conquest of North Africa, the practice was picked up and spread to other parts of the world.
FGM is practiced primarily by Muslims but also by Christians, Animists, atheists and Jews (only by Fellashas living near Gondar in Ethiopia). The practice is widespread in areas where poverty, illiteracy and unsanitary conditions predominate, and where the economic and social standing of women is low. It is practiced in more than twenty-six countries of the African continent and in some areas of the Arabian peninsula and Asia.
As shown in the map below, FGM is present across Africa between the tropic of Cancer and the Equator. Excision is documented in the southern part of the Arabian peninsula and around the Persian Gulf, including South Yemen, Oman, the Arab Emirates and Bahrain. Infibulation is practiced by Muslims in Somalia, in those areas inhabited by Somalis in Ethiopia, Kenya, and Djibouti, in the Sudan (with the exception of non-Muslim inhabitants of the southern province), in northern Nigeria, and in parts of Mali.
The mildest forms of FGM are performed in Asia by the Muslim populations of Malaysia and Indonesia. They are probably tied to Islamization.
According to some authors, the practice has also been found among the aboriginal tribes of Australia as well as in Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Peru, Brazil, eastern Mexico, and Russia. But these are sporadic and isolated incidents.
The practice is not only characteristic of non-western societies. African immigrants have brought these practices to the United States and Europe, especially Great Britain and France.
In the attempt to explain the reasons behind FGM, I will examine: a) the association with religion, b) cultural beliefs and body image, and c) tradition.
a) Although FGM is not central to the teaching of the three monotheistic religions (Judaism, Christianity and Islam) to which practicing groups belong, it is believed that the practice is a religious requirement. The most common response given for the justification of the practice is to abide to religious mandates. The religion which has embraced the practice most in its culture is Islam. Although the custom did not originate in Islam, its strength lies in Islamic traditions.
With the rise of Islamic traditions such as the veil and seclusion, FGM gained significance. This is not only because some Ahadith are in favor of sunna but it is also because Islam as most other religions regards female sexuality as a lustful instinct which must be controlled. Great importance is given to women's `modesty' and `chastity'. Thus, although FGM is not prescribed by the Quran, it became more widespread in Muslim cultures than elsewhere. The custom however is not followed by all Muslims, as in the examples of Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Iran, Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia, and Libya.
The common view, supported by religions, that women's sexuality needs to be controlled, considers sex as something shameful which can only be practiced within the framework of an official marriage for reproductive purposes. `Sexual purity' of a woman represents the honor of the family. Any violation of it is condemned by her family and society .
Thus the removal of females external genital organs is a measure to reduce sexual desire which is necessary to protect her virginity, her honor, and to enforce fidelity. It is also considered necessary to prevent masturbation which is forbidden by Islamic law.
Clitoridectomy and infibulation were not prescribed by the Quran but have come to be associated with it. In one hadith, it is reported that the prophet Mohammed told a woman in Medina who wanted to undergo the operation: "Touch but not destroy. It is more illuminating to the woman and more enjoyable to the husband" and in another statement the prophet says: "Do not go deep. This is enjoyable to the woman and preferable to the husband (Abdulla)". These statements confirm the positive attitude of Islamic holy scriptures towards sexuality rather than the reverse.
Another hadith attributed to the Prophet states that circumcision is a necessity for men but only an `embellishment' for women.
FGM is found also among Christians and Jews. These patriarchal religions also share the belief that women's sexuality must be repressed because it is essentially sinful and incites temptation. Women are thought to be more disposed to passion and emotions than to reason and rational conduct. Even in these religions the practice is not mandated by holy scriptures. Misinterpretations of religious principles helped to legitimize it.
b) In addition to religion, many views have been advanced to explain FGM within the context of ancient cultures. According to one view, the practice has been interpreted as an offering or sacrifice to the deity presiding over fertility. Suggesting another possible explanation, Meinardus (1967) relates it to the Pharaonic belief in the bisexuality of gods. Hence the belief that every person is endowed with masculine and feminine souls. Societies which believe in the duality and androgynous nature of children feel that the female side of a boys nature resides in the foreskin of the penis and the male side of a girls nature resides in the clitoris. As a part of the rite of passage into the adult world, adolescents have to lose the symbols of their sexual duality so as to assume their adult roles. Genital alteration accomplishes the social definition of a child's sex and the affirmation of gender identity.
In Mali, the Bambara and the Dogon believe that children have two souls. The `boy's female soul' resides in the prepuce, the female sexual element, and the `girl's male soul' is in the clitoris, the male sexual element. Both girls and boys are considered polluted because they have both female and male elements. Thus male circumcision is needed to remove the female aspect of boy's anatomy while clitoridectomy removes the phallic aspect of women's sexual anatomy. The prepuce and the clitoris are considered to be the seat of an evil force of disorder called Wanzo which prevents fertility and entrance into the world of adults. Therefore circumcision serves a dual purpose in affirming gender identity and destroying the malefic power.
Some scholars explain the practice in terms of initiation rites, as a passage from puberty into adulthood. In the tradition of many ethnic groups ( in Northern Sudan, Kikuyu in Kenya, Toguana in the Ivory Coast, Bambara in Mali), an elaborate ceremony surrounds the event with rituals full of symbolisms (songs, dances, special clothing and food). In the Sudan the girl to be operated on is called arusa, the `young bride', refering "to the future connection with marriage and the expected sexual role of the future wife". She is dressed like a bride, with gold jewels and is adorned with henna. Women who participate in the ceremony encourage the girl with zagarid (ululation for a joyous occasion). After the operation the child is laid on a bed and decorated with red threads, a pearl necklace and a scarab that are believed to speed up the healing process and to protect her from evil. The girls receive gifts of money, gold and clothing. The gifts of the elaborate ceremony as well as peer pressure serve as powerful enticements to young girls.
Some tribes take the girl to a river, preferably at sunset, which is also a form of mushahra (treatment) for the state of kabsa (ritual danger) which affects newly circumcised girls. The celebration, which follows a similar pattern for all social classes, still continues today.
In other areas such as Somalia the ritual is much less elaborate. The ceremony includes tea, sweets and porridge with ghee (butter). During the operation the relatives and women attending the event chant, sing and shout to cover the cries of the victim and to offer emotional support. After the procedure the girl must remain indoors for a period of forty days in order to be protected from jinns (evil influences) which are likely to attack in the period following an important event (circumcision, wedding, birth, or funeral). In urban areas the operation takes place during the school holidays (from July to October). In rural areas the customary period is late spring or autumn because it is the end of the rainy season and the girls are then well nourished and able to tolerate the operation.
Some ethnic groups such as the Tagouana of the Ivory Coast believe, instead, that circumcision enhances fertility. Ironically, however, the operation is often the cause of severe health problems that can result in sterility.
Some other tribes like the Mossi of Upper Volta and the Dogon of Mali believe that the clitoris is a dangerous organ. It is believed that contact during delivery will result in the childs death. The Bambara of Mali believe that the clitoris can kill a man if it comes into contact with his penis during intercourse.
Another rationale for the practice is the belief that `clitoridectomy' is necessary to become `clean' and `pure'. Especially in countries of eastern Africa (Egypt, the Sudan, Somalia, Ethiopia), the external female genitalia are considered dirty. In Egypt, for instance, the uncircumcised girl is called nigsa (unclean), and in Sudan the colloquial term for circumcision is tahur (cleansing, purification).
In Mali, the clitoris is also considered `ugly' which is a justification for excision. Even in Mauritania, clitoridectomy is done for beauty and is known as tizian which means to make more beautiful and gaad which means to cut off and make even.
As seen above, the concept of beauty and body image varies from culture to culture. Following are accounts of different customs around the globe that involve body modification realized on the basis of specific socially constructed ideas of beauty. "All cultures have their own notion about how the body should be shaped, sized and decorated. The images of what a `good' body should look like are unbelievably varied. The modal body appearance in one group may seem to be not at all human to a representative of another group".
Ethnic groups in West Africa, Australia, New Guinea, New Zealand, Melanesia, and Polinesia tattooe their faces with scars. Instead of using tints, they carve symbolic designs into their flesh. The operation is so painful and the face so swollen that they need to receive nourishment using special funnels.
In New Zealand both Maori women and men practice tattooing not only on their faces but also on their thighs and buttocks. Tattooing is a long and painful operation performed by specially trained craftsmen who use the ushi, a thin and pointed instrument with a cutting edge of varying widths. The conclusion of the operation is often marked by a social function and a ceremonial feast.
Some native populations living in villages of the Brazilian Amazon practice lip and ear enlargement. The Ge, Tchikrin and Kayapo perforate the babies ears with large, cigar-shaped earplugs. At weaning time, the lips of the boys are pierced and gradually enlarged.
Painful body `improvements' are also widespread in western countries. `Cosmetic' surgery, including breast reduction or augmentation, liposuction, and facelifts, are widely performed because of a specific body image.
c) Tradition is also a widely held justification for the persistance of FGM. It is regularly performed as an integral part of social conformity and in line with community identity. It is extremely rare for a traditional family to question the essence of the custom which is supported by deep-rooted tradition. Tradition is taken for granted, "it carries its own validity and the status quo is never questioned". It seems that `reasons' are rationalizations that try to explain a practice that "has woven itself into the fabric of some societies so completely that `reasons' are no longer particularly relevant, since invalidating them does not stop the practice".
FGM is deeply rooted in underdeveloped countries where illiteracy and poverty are widespread and women have to struggle daily for survival and for satisfying basic needs. They grow up within the context of their cultural norms. They live with the assumption that an uncircumcised girl is unacceptable and will not be sought out for marriage, almost the only solution for securing a future. In a culture where deep-rooted values of premarital chastity and marriage are intrinsically linked to FGM, physical suffering is preferred to the social ostracism experienced by an uncircumcised girl. This explains why women are the strongest proponents of the practice and why the sufferings, danger of death and severe infections are often seen as preferable to being an uncircumcised outcast.
The subject of FGM has been buried in secrecy and taboo for several centuries. It has been brought to the surface recently by feminists, health pratictioners, and social scientists. The practice elicited reaction from the west in the form of indignation, horror, and condemnation. While, on the one hand, this helped to break the silence surrounding the subject, on the other, without recognition of the complexity and sensitiveness of the issue, it widened the gap between western feminist movements and those of the Third World. The West views FGM as a form of torture and as a violation of the most basic human rights.
The reaction of indignation from the west was rejected as imperialistic, ignorant, and aggressive. Some African feminists criticized the western campaign against the practice for their `ignorance' and for "the total lack of consideration of the particular context in which African women are struggling ". The response was that "it is essentially up to African people and in particular African women to decide to mobilize and fight against certain aspects of their reality - those which seem most urgently in need of change, and to decide how that struggle should be waged". They stressed the right of cultural difference and the defence of traditional values. This view denies westerners the right to interfere with cultural problems.
Western feminists opposing the practice came to understand that no change is possible without the conscious participation of African women. Campaigns started to be organized with more sensitivity and better understanding of the socio-cultural context. The complexity of the problem requires a multidisciplinary approach of a comprehensive nature. A successful campain demands a combination of legislative and educational interventions supported by religious and civil leaders with influential positions in their communities.
During the colonial period, attempts to abolish the practice through legislation were counter productive. Initially colonial governments avoided interfering in the local customs of these societies to prevent tension. When they did intervene, as in the Sudan and Kenya, they faced a great deal of local resentment and opposition. The special laws promulgated were interpreted as a threat to national solidarity and an interference of the cultural and social order. The laws were never accepted and the practice became, instead, a symbol of resistance to foreign influence. Even in other countries FGM became a symbol of national identity, tradition, and authenticity.
Post-independence national governments also tried to eliminate FGM through the legal system. For the most part, however, legislation did not produce much change and the custom continued to be practiced underground. In countries like Egypt and Eritrea, infibulation and clitoridectomy decreased, but not as a result of legislation. In Egypt under Nasser, women acquired equal opportunities in education and work. In Eritrea, infibulation was banned through campaigns of Eritrean People's Liberation Front joined by many young girls.
In the late 1970's the subject become a matter of international concern. The practice was discussed extensively in conferences organized by international organizations such as the WHO (World Health Organization), UNICEF (United Nations Children Fund), UNESCO (United Nation Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization), and various women's organizations. By 1982 the position of the WHO had become very clear and determined. It claimed "that governments should adopt clear national policies to abolish female circumcision, and to intensify educational programs to inform the public about the harmfulness of female circumcision. In particular women's organizations at local levels are encouraged to be involved, since without women themselves being aware and committed, no changes are likely". The WHO and UNICEF assured governments of their readiness to support national efforts against FGM and to continue collaborating on research, educational programs, and diffusion of information.
The political commitment of feminists and international groups to abolish the custom must understand the specific context to effectively organize to change it. Eurocentric attitudes still embedded in western culture should be recognized and avoided.
Every culture follows its own moral precepts and has its own view. Most perceptions of human rights do not correspond to those expressed in the context of western debates. The practice of FGM is performed by women who strongly believe in it. FGM is not perceived as a `mutilation' but, on the contrary, it is thought to be in the best interest of the woman. In Renteln's words: "Culture is so powerful in the way it shapes individuals' perceptions that understanding the way of life in other societies depends on gaining insight into what might be called the inner cultural logic".
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